Showing posts with label Gus Dur. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gus Dur. Show all posts

12 February 2011

"Reform Unplugged"


A shout out to Treespotter who has made a post already using this title. I have been toying with the idea of writing a piece on how the events in Egypt over the [almost] past three weeks is perhaps a lesson that Indonesians could heed, some Indonesians more than others. Conversely, the reform that Egyptians so overwhelmingly crave could do with a shot of reality, particularly regarding the pace of managed or guided reforms. A managed reformasi process is something that all Indonesians are all too familiar with. On that note, anyone looking for an interesting read on the similarities, head over to Jakartass.

The other reason for the 'unplugged' title is that I have been chilling out to a couple of unplugged albums; Bob Dylan and Neil Young. And, the lack of creativity that I have suggested that something 'unplugged' would make a good blog post.

Hosni Mubarak was a tyrant, a dictator, that has supposedly amassed a fortune somewhere in the vicinity of USD 40 to USD 70 billion over the course of almost 30 years of power. He has done this at the expense of his people. It is little wonder that critical mass was reached and protests began. I have always wondered why tyrants and dictators never come to realise that if they shared just a little they would always get a few more years at the helm. To be honest, all these people could have used a few pep sessions with Singapore's elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew on how to properly stage manage democracy, or at least the semblances of it.

But, I digress.

The reality for most Egyptians, as it was for most Indonesians in 1998, is where to next? The King is dead, sort of. He will move, most probably out of Egypt and retire with his ill-gotten billions. Some will be returned as a small gesture. But, for those ordinary Egyptians struggling on, or below, the poverty line the cold, hard reality is that change or reform will be slow. If Egyptians want to get a good idea of what not to do, at least with respect to pace, then they should look to Indonesia. In the more than twelve years since Soeharto stepped aside after violent street protests and handing the reins of power to his deputy, much has changed and much has stayed the same.

The positives are that Indonesians enjoy greater freedoms of sorts, and except if you are an Ahmadi [minority rights, not!], including the freedoms of speech and expression. Indonesians have enjoyed an opening of the political process to a degree and experienced, by most accounts, a free and fair presidential election. Sadly, this has seen a succession of presidents elected who have been unable to deliver on the promise of the 1998 protest movement.

Gus Dur, despite his good and honourable intentions was a populist at heart who did not really have the heart to make the tough decisions. Megawati, well, "nuff" said. And, the incumbent, SBY. So much promise and so little progress. To Egypt, SBY shows how hard it is to remove entrenched special interests and how those interests continue to hold sway over how Indonesia's new-found democracy operates.

Unfortunately, the coming of democracy has  not seen a reduction in corruption levels or any significant improvement in the bureaucracy that channels that corruption. There is nothing like statistics to hide poverty or the careful manipulation of numbers to lower the threshold in order to hide those living on less than USD 2 per day. What Egypt has to look forward to is entrenched interests who pull their collective heads in in the after math of the killing of the king and biding their time.

For all the steps forward that Indonesia took in the post-1998 period with the establishment of a corruption eradication commission and the pursuit of those special interests it was only a matter of time before the special interests fought back. It appears a compliant [and complicit] president was the only trigger needed to convince those special interests that the ball was in their court.

Egypt does not want reform. Egypt needs complete and fundamental changes to the way the business of democracy is done. Ordinary Egyptians do not want to leave this important business to those schooled in the ways of the old master, Mubarak. Let Indonesians tell you how that turns out. The reality that Indonesians now understand is that letting those schooled in the ways of the previous master means that the practices remain entrenched and the mechanisms and skills required are absent for real change to occur. Skip a generation, the protests were led by the youth let the young leaders of the movement assume control over its ultimate destiny.

Maybe, there is a lesson for SBY in the protests that have rocked Egypt to its core. Listen to your people, listen to their aspirations, after all they are the ones that elected you and they are the ones that you work for. A presidency of unrealised promise might be just the right trigger for a renewed push to "reformasi -- part two".

I guess the reason reform works so slowly, or not at all, is that there is no clear separation from the past. Perhaps the French realised this and that is why the opted for a revolution.

Yes, it is a messy post. But, it is really just a rambling rant ;)

Image courtesy of Dave Granlund.

21 October 2010

Police vs. Demonstrators -- Indonesian Style...



This rather disturbing image that came through on Facebook shows just how far Indonesia has come since 1998 under the stewardship of Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), Megawati, and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). It would seem that the police way of repelling unruly demonstrators is to point guns at them.

I am not advocating that students or others have a right to violent protest. What I am wondering is whether pointing guns at them and shooting them is an appropriate or proportional response.

As to the image. I do not know of its authenticity or lack thereof. I pass comment only on that which I see in it.

31 December 2009

Gus Dur - RIP


Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur as he was affectionately known has passed away. Gus Dur dies Wednesday at 18.45 at the Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital in Jakarta.

He was 69.

Gus Dur led the Nahdlatul Ulama. He was also President of the Republic of Indonesia from October 1999 through October 2001.

He is survived by a wife and four daughters.

29 August 2009

Jakarta -- Mass Organizations and the New Underworld...

Something that I picked up from the Jakarta Post. There are more groups than these floating around the streets and alleys of Jakarta, but these are the "biggies". There are a couple of other pieces that the Jakarta Post has run recently that are worthwhile reading for anyone that has an interest in learning about the other side of Jakarta. There is a piece on Jakarta's New Underworld and another piece on the Betawi Big Boys.

In any event, this is an excellent piece by Rendi A Witular and Andra Wisnu on prominent organizations in Jakarta.

I cut and paste it from the Jakarta Post.

Lutfi Hakim

Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR)

Leader: Lutfi Hakim (33)

Members: 300,000 in Greater Jakarta.

Membership requirement: Betawi (native Jakartan) and Muslim. For other ethnicities, must have lived in Jakarta for at least three years.

Funding: Donations from members and businesses.

Activities: Provides "unofficial" security services to companies engaged in entertainment businesses, property, construction projects and business centers. FBR members can also be seen guarding disputed property, providing debt-collection services and clearing out land. Its top brass also run small-scale printing business. The group is often used to provide political support for the Jakarta bureaucracy and certain Islamic parties, as evidenced when it condemned opponents of the controversial pornography bill.

History: Founded on July 29, 2001, the FBR was charged by its recently deceased chief patron Fadhloly El Muhir to create jobs for the Betawi ethnic group. However, it was mired in allegations of receiving backing from the military, the Jakarta administration and opponents of former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid. The groups were used as proxies to deal with Gus Dur's grassroots Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) supporters from East Java, who threatened to flock to the capital to help keep Gus Dur in power. Lutfi denies the allegations, saying the FBR was set up merely to advocate for the revival of the long-marginalized Betawi.

Notes: In March 2003, seven members of the group were jailed for attacking the head of the Urban Poor Consortium (an NGO focusing on urban development issues), Wardah Hafidz, near the office of the National Commission for Human Rights. Lutfi strongly opposes the stigma.


Muhammad Rizieq

Islam Defenders Front (FPI)

Leader: Al-Habib Muhammad Rizieq bin Husein Syihab (71)

Members: Less than 10,000 in Greater Jakarta.

Membership requirement: Muslims who can read the Koran.

Funding: Mostly donations from members, business activities of the group's top brass.

Activities: Mostly an ideological and political movement claiming to uphold Islamic law, implemented in the field through crackdowns on nightclubs, brothels and gambling dens, and leading more often than not to clashes and violence. Their targets include roadside vendors who stay open during the fasting month of Ramadan. Chairman of the Jakarta Association of Tourism, Recreation and Entertainment Adrian Maulete claims the association regularly pays the FPI to not raid its members' clubs while operating.

History: Founded on Aug. 17, 1998, the FPI is a splinter group of the Pamswakarsa civil guard formed by the military to support the Habibie regime. Through promoting violence, the FPI has earned the respect of hard-line Muslims, but often become disdained by society at large.

Notes: The FPI's litany of violence includes a bloody attack on members of the Alliance for the Freedom of Religion and Faith (AKKBB) in the National Monument park, Central Jakarta, on June 1, 2008. Group leader Habib Rizieq was sentenced to 18 months in prison for inciting the violence. He was released this July. FPI secretary-general Sobri Lubis says the FPI remains a force to be reckoned with, despite the recent police crackdown on its leaders, adding it will continue to "wipe out immoral practices" no matter how long it takes. "We have nothing against the food or water these nightclubs offer, but if they start selling women, provide gambling venues or drugs, then we will have to stand against them."


Oding Djunaidi

Laskar Jayakarta (Jayakarta Warriors)

Leader: Adj. Sr. Comr. Susilowadi, aka Bang Ilo (47)

Members: 30,000 in Greater Jakarta.

Membership requirement: All-inclusive, preference to native Jakartans.

Funding: Mostly donations from members' and leaders' businesses.

Activities: Laskar Jayakarta assists Jakarta residents, especially of Betawi ethnicity, get jobs. Nurturing close ties with the police, the group provides unofficial security services primarily to nightclubs, retailers, hotels and boarding houses in the Tamansari district of West Jakarta. The district, which covers the vicinity of Jl. Mangga Besar, Jl. Hayam Wuruk, Jl. Gadjah Mada and the Glodok business center, is Jakarta's largest night entertainment center and accounts for 60 percent of the business. Laskar's top officials are former members of Pemuda Pancasila youth organization, the military's family forum (Forkabi) and the FBR.

History: As a newcomer in the industry, it was not until 2007 that Laskar Jayakarta became widely known, when it supported Comr. Gen. (ret) Adang Daradjatun, the former National Police deputy chief, in his 2007 bid to be Jakarta governor. Laskar split from the Betawi Community Union (PMB) in 2004.

Notes: The group's structure is loosely reminiscent of many of today's Jakarta-based groups. Laskar Jayakarta is a proxy nurtured by the police to help maintain order in Jakarta's night entertainment hub and prevent ethnic clashes. "Bang Ilo himself ordered us to control our members' behavior to keep in line with the law," says Oding, the head of the group's Tamansari branch in Central Jakarta.


Japto Soerjosoemarno

Pancasila Youth

Leader: Japto Soelistyo Soerjosoemarno (59)

Members: Less than 100,000 in Greater Jakarta.

Membership requirement: All ethnicities and religions.

Funding: Mostly donations from members, business activities of the group's top brass.

Activities: Security services and debt collection are the major income earner of the group, as well as land clearing for businesses.

History: Pancasila Youth was established on Oct. 28, 1959, by former legendary military commander Abdul Haris Nasution, with the sole aim of confronting the communist threat. However, after 1978, it evolved with the backing of the Soeharto regime and the Golkar Party, which used it to mobilize youth support during general elections. The Pancasila Youth was allegedly involved in the July 27, 1996, riot and the bloody sectarian violence in Ambon, Maluku, in 2000.

Notes: Along with the Soeharto downfall in 1998, Pancasila Youth lost its political and security clout, which finally led in late 2003 to Yorris Raweyai, its most influential figure and financier, falling out with Japto over the latter's decision to set up the Patriot Party, the political wing of the Pancasila Youth. Yorris remains with Golkar and became legislator for the party, while the Patriot Party failed to get any legislative seat. With funding, notably from Yorris, drying up, most of the group's members now moonlight with other mass organizations, including the FBR, the FPI and Laskar Jayakarta. According to Yorris, Pancasila Youth is now focusing on recruiting university students, intellectuals and the middle class to help keep the group afloat. Japto's youngest son, Jedidiah Shenazar, is being groomed to take over his father's work.


Jhon Kei

Eastern Indonesia factions

Leaders: Herkules (East Timor group), Jhon Kei (Kei Island group in Maluku), Rony Syauta and Umar Kei (Indonesian Mollucans Youth Union, or PMB) and Ongen Sangaji (Ambon group in Maluku).

Members: Each group is believed to have less than 1,000 members in Greater Jakarta, except the PMB, which has around 20,000.

Membership requirement: Exclusive to ethnicity.

Activities: Groups are engaged in intense rivalry with one another. In the case of the Maluku groups, not a single leader has united them. Both the East Timor and Maluku groups are competing to win orders for security services for disputed parties, business centers and properties. They are also the most efficient debt collectors employed by banks, financing companies and individuals, primarily through intimidation. They earn between 15 percent and 50 percent of the debt collected.

Notes: - Herkules has since 2006 lost his lucrative empire in the Tanah Abang business center to Betawi native Haji Lulung. Herkules followers still maitain a loose grip on several small pockets in the Kota area of North Jakarta. Herkules is now engaged in the coal business, and spends time mostly in Kalimantan and Sumatra.
- John Kei, a notorious gang leader, is serving a jail term in Surabaya for cutting the fingers of two of his cousins.
- Ongen Sangaji is now an executive with the Hanura Party, founded by former military commander Gen. (ret) Wiranto.
- Rony Syauta and Umar Kei are emerging as key players in the business. The group controls the largest Maluku group in East Jakarta. The PMB is now trying to unite all Maluku gangs, but to no avail thus far.


Haji Lulung

Haji Lulung group

Leader: Abraham Lunggana, aka Haji Lulung (48)

Members: More than 2,000 in Tanah Abang alone.

Membership requirement: Preference for native Jakartans. Other ethnic groups also welcome.

Funding: Companies under Haji Lulung, donations from outsourced workers.

Activities: Haji Lulung has a vast line of businesses, including security services, parking and waste management. Around 90 percent of such businesses in Tanah Abang, Southeast Asia's largest textile and garment distribution area, is organized by Haji Lulung. Through his newly established law firm, Haji Lulung & Associates, a debt-collection business is now in the pipeline. Haji Lulung's tentacles also take in security services for shopping centers in the vicinity of Hotel Indonesia in Central Jakarta, Senayan in South Jakarta, Taman Ismail Marzuki in Central Jakarta, the Aldira shopping center in East Jakarta, Tarakan Hospital, Cengkareng Hospital, Fatmawati Hospital and the Bogor Mental Hospital.

History: Assisted primarily by law enforcers and the Jakarta administration, Haji Lulung's luck started to turn in 2000 when he supplied workers for the construction of the Metro bridge in the Tanah Abang shopping compound. His rise is also attributed to the need for opposition against former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid in creating a proxy Betawi-based group to confront the threat of Gus Dur's incoming grass-roots supporters from East Java in 2001. Since then, without spilling much blood, Haji Lulung has gradually expelled the notorious godfather Herkules from Tanah Abang for good in 2006.

Notes: Haji Lulung is now a city councilor for the United Development Party (PPP).

16 March 2009

Gus Dur Supporting Prabowo for President


Speechless!

Well, almost...but good readers I am sure you are already aware that it will take more than this foolhardiness to stump me for words.

This support apparently comes with strings attached. There is a sizable push for Yenny Wahid (aka Zannuba Ariffah Chafsoh Rahman Wahid) to be placed on the Prabowo ticket as the Vice President.

For me this support makes Gus Dur (Abdurrahman Wahid) increasingly irrelevant on the Indonesian political stage. I am also surprised that Yenny Wahid is going for this. Yet, in the big scheme of things this foolhardiness is not all that surprising. Gus Dur is a bitter man and still feels that the PKB, which was his political vehicle, was wrenched from his control by traitorous enemies and the complicity of the government. He is likely to do anything to redress this wrong, even supporting Prabowo.

Prabowo Subianto and his political vehicle might indeed have some similarities to Gus Dur and those that support him. However, the reality is that Prabowo's skeletons are real and they are nasty. The man may have been honorably discharged from the army, but there are remaining questions as to whether this was deserved. There are still unanswered questions as to his imvolvement in the Rose Group and his responsibility in the kidnapping and disappearing of activists in 1998.

The interesting thing about Gerindra is that the party has adopted some real socialist ideas in trying to garner support from farmers and blue collar workers under the guise of Pancasila. Pancasila has always been viewed as an avid tool to be trotted out in the fight against communism and socialism. Although, it is easy to argue that the social justice elements of Pancasila in fact lend themselves to a socialist democratic platform. There is certain irony in the support of Prabowo and Gus Dur for these ideals.

In any event, even Gus Dur's support is not going to be enough for Prabowo to be relevant in the coming presidential contest. This is at best a three-way horse race at the front with SBY, Kalla, and Megawati, with SBY being slightly in front as the incumbent. The dark horse will be PKS and whoever it is that they nominate.

Hopefully, after this little charade Prabowo and Wiranto can be prosecuted for their alleged crimes and then fade into history.

Yes, a dream, but without dreams there is no point in living.

06 March 2009

Compulsory and Optional Voting -- Indonesia

This has appeared previously on en.hukumonline.com - here.

Optional and compulsory voting is always an issue that draws a great deal of commentary. However, when in a country such as Indonesia where voting in a general election is optional, the issuance of a fatwa by the Indonesian Ulema Council (Majelis Ulema Indonesia / MUI) is certain to ratchet up the rate in which commentators express their views, particularly when the fatwa states that not to vote is haram or prohibited where there are qualified Muslim candidates standing.

Indonesia has traditionally had a sizable number of individuals who choose not to exercise their democratic rights and vote. This group is referred to as the Golongan Putih or Golput group. They are in essence a group that abstains from voting. Whether this is an expression of dissatisfaction with the quality of the candidates being offered or a lack of interest is irrelevant. However, some have suggested that it is likely that somewhere around 40%, if not more, of registered voters will not exercise their right to vote in the 2009 elections.

The Muslim community seems split on whether Islam considers the expression of democratic freedom through a decision not to vote is haram. Abdurraham Wahid, who is affectionately known as Gus Dur and who is a former President of Indonesia and an influential figure in Nahdlatul Ulama (Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization), has been active in campaigning for people to take golput seriously.

On the other hand, the Prosperous Justice Party’s (PKS), Hidayat Nur Wahid, explicitly stated that golput is prohibited under Islam and has pro-actively campaigned for the MUI to issue the fatwa. Perhaps, somewhat cynically, Hidayat believes that the PKS is likely to benefit from those disaffected voters who feel compelled to comply with the fatwa.

The House of Representatives (DPR) have also weighed in on the matter with the Head of the DPR, Agung Laksono, arguing that the right to vote implicitly contains a right not to vote and as such golput cannot be haram. According to Laksono, political parties must take heed of the increasing numbers of golput-ers as a sign that political parties have failed in translating their respective visions into policies and action on the ground that positively affects the lives of their constituents. To his mind, the fatwa is a mistake.

The reaction to the fatwa has been widespread and varied. The National Commission on Human Rights (Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia / Komnas HAM) issued a press release on 2 February 2009 that states simply the fatwa is a violation of people’s human rights to exercise the right not to vote. Ifdhal Kasim, the Head of Komnas HAM, stated that the right to vote or not to vote was a basic human right that cannot and must not be interfered with.

He cites that this is a Constitutional guaranteed right that has been further strengthened with provisions in Law No. 39 of 199 and Law No. 2 of 2005. Ifdhal points out that the government has already ratified the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, which means that “societies or government could not limit this right through prohibition, criminalization, or imposing moral sanctions on people who did not use their right to vote”.

The General Election Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum / KPU) who is tasked in carrying out the election, according to Ifdhal, is restricted by its mandate in that it does not allow them to issue any regulations which would impinge on the absolute rights of individuals to choose whether they vote or do not vote in a general election. However, the Head of the KPU, Abdul Hafiz Anshary, has been vocal in his support of the fatwa issued by the MUI. He has openly and publicly wondered why the MUI has only acted now on this issue.

According to Hafiz it is the MUI’s responsibility to supervise Muslims in order to see that Muslims exercise their rights in terms of voting for qualified Muslim candidates. In fact, Hafiz was unequivocal in stating that “not only cigarette are haram, but golput also haram.” This is in reference to another MUI fatwa that prohibits cigarette smoking in certain circumstances.

It is worth noting that MUI fatwas are not binding in a legal sense and it remains to be seen whether the fatwa has any moral force in terms of convincing potential golput-ers to vote.

(RAB / SH)

07 January 2008

Gus Dur for President?


Gus Dur never seems to be far from the news, I think he likes it that way too! Gus Dur has made headlines by stating his intention to contest the 2009 Presidential elections not necessarily to win but more so in the Don Chipp vein of the Australian Democrats of "keeping the bastards honest!" Yet, the idea of Gus Dur running again in 2009 after the debacle of his candidacy in 2004 raises some obvious questions.

The simple truth for Gus Dur is that he failed in 2004 because he was unable to satisfy the strict health conditions placed on individuals seeking the Presidency. Are the health conditions discriminatory? Well, the answer here depends on who is making the decisions and the subjectivity or objectivity of the decision maker. But the rules from 2004 have been maintained and without any reports suggesting that the former President's health has improved it seems likely that he would 'fail' any future medical tests ordered by the Election Commission.

Gus Dur is a skilled populist but this proved to be his undoing in his presidency as the bureaucracy and more importantly the more-established political interests were never able to settle into a routine. Gus Dur as a populist often saw him referred to as being like the wind; being able to blow in any direction required. This is an entirely different concept from adjusting one's sails to catch the wind and this is what most solidified opposition against him personally and his presidency.

Gus Dur is an enigmatic character and as such will garner support for any potential bid to return to the No. 1 chair. Unfortunately, it is unlikely that this support will translate into enough pressure to get him through the health test phase let alone secure the votes needed to be elected.

The man is a valuable addition to the political scene in that in his own special way he does get the community talking about issues that are important to the broader community as a whole, which is always good from a news standpoint as it gives us journalists and wannabe journalists 'stuff' to right about! And it also gives comics an endless supply of material for parody.